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Parliamentary reform -- first of a series....
Relatively modest reform of the committee system in
the House of Commons and one radical new idea -- parliamentary
approval of certain key international government appointees
-- could give Canadians what they desire; more control of
the international decisions affecting their lives.
Much of the debate about Canada's participation in international
trade and investment agreements and its official role in
international institutions like the World Trade Organization,
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund is misdirected.
That Canada must be involved in the negotiation and implementation
of trade and investment agreements that will materially
affect the country is a given. It is equally obvious that
Canada should play an aggressive role in the multi-lateral
financial institutions set up in the wake of World War Two.
It is not the existence of, nor the desirability of, multi-lateral
international institutions and agreements that should trouble
Canadians, it is the lack of democratic accountability which
has left voters and citizens more and more distant from
the institutions and decisions that affect their lives.
Consider this scenario: a voter concerned about the effect
of an international trade agreement on Canadian labour and
environmental standards casts a vote in a federal election.
More likely than not, the citizen will cast a vote for an
opposition Member of Parliament (MP), since Canadian federal
governments are invariably formed by a party receiving significantly
less than 50% of the popular vote. It is highly unlikely
that the MP will ever be in a position to even remotely
influence the government's stance in a trade negotiation.
If the voter has elected a government backbench MP, chances
of real influence are greater but still remote by anyone's
reckoning. Even an MP highly motivated by international
issues will likely find him or herself stymied by a lack
of input into international policy decisions. Soon, the
voter, disenchanted by what he/she perceives to be government
inattention to international labour and environmental issues,
turns to an activist organization that seems to be "doing
something".
The scenario above is common in Canada. Many of the people
who find themselves on the streets protesting, or, at least,
sympathizing with the protesters, are increasingly frustrated
by the disconnection they feel from decisions made in faraway
capitals by government appointees with little connection
to Canada's elected institutions.
When the Prime Minister names a person to represent Canada's
interests within an international institution, say as Canada's
permanent representative to the WTO or as a director of
the World Bank, his nomination will receive no meaningful
parliamentary scrutiny. Appointments are not vetted nor
approved by Canada's parliament -- MPs don't even have the
guarantee of a committee meeting to discuss the nominee's
credentials or his/her opinions about Canada's international
interests. Some MPs may hold highly contrived "consultations"
and constituency meetings to give the impression of true
democratic accountability but, bluntly put, democratic accountability
in Canada consists of a once in four or five year chance
to "pass judgement" on the incumbent government
- a highly unsatisfactory state of affairs in a sophisticated
and globalized world where information is available to almost
all citizens at the touch of a button.
There are many ways to address this democratic deficit
(proportional representation and Senate reform come to mind),
but one of the most effective, meaningful and achievable
solutions is to introduce several modest parliamentary reforms.
Imagine a scenario where Canada's trade negotiators are
forced to explain and justify their actions to an all-party
committee (perhaps chaired by an opposition MP) of the House
of Commons - a scenario where that committee would genuinely
consult with Canadians before during and after negotiations.
Imagine the government having to submit its nominations
for WTO representative to an all-party committee which uses
free votes to confirm or deny the appointment.
Why are Canadian Parliamentary committees virtually powerless?
Is it a necessary part of the Westminster parliamentary
tradition that legislative committees be dominated by the
government? Why do committee votes always reflect party
divisions and why does party discipline extend to the committees?
After all, it is highly unlikely that a government would
be forced to resign after losing a vote in committee.
Key international positions - particularly those where
the nominee should be a representative of Canada's interests
and not just the interests of the government of the day
- should be vetted and approved by a special committee of
MPs who would compete vigorously for this coveted job. Canadian
voters might stand up and take more notice if they thought
that their humble MP would be helping to choose Canada's
next representative to the UN, World Bank or WTO.
Parliamentary committees should also be given more power
to vet and approve certain key international treaties. Special
committees could be struck, perhaps chaired by an opposition
MP or constituted without a government majority, which would
be charged with consulting broadly and voting on key components
of the treaty. The committee, in a special vote, would also
vote up or down on the final treaty. The committee's vote
would not be a confidence vote, in other words, the government
would not be forced to resign after a no vote, but if the
Parliament decided to override a no vote in this committee,
the treaty would have to go back to a reconstituted committee
for more consultations and another vote. In other words,
the full Parliament, with its government majority, would
still have the final say but it would override the committee's
vote and public opinion at its peril.
These changes in procedure would not irreparably harm our
Parliamentary tradition but they would dramatically improve
the lot of the Canadian voter. Some of the helplessness
and powerlessness so evident in many of the anti-globalization
protests would be addressed by genuine democratic input
into decisions affecting everyone's future.
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