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Only radical structural change, including more internal
democracy, can save the NDP, argued Les Campbell in this
article which appeared in the National Post two days after
the 2000 federal election.
With yet another dismal showing in the federal polls the
punditocracy's calls for the dismantling of the federal
NDP will soon reach a fever pitch. Unfortunately, it may
be that nothing short of absolute humiliation can shake
the party out of a torpor bred by more than 60 years of
moral victories and electoral losses.
Somewhat astonishingly, the NDP's stubborn adherence to
a confused leftist agenda that not even the party's staunchest
supporters can divine has led to an ignominious state of
affairs where the relentlessly opportunist Liberal party
is laying a credible claim to being the social conscience
of the nation.
How can any party be so inured to its failures and oblivious
to its shortcomings? A short analysis of NDP structure will
help answer that question. The federal NDP is a federation
of provincial parties, with a national council and executive
drawn largely from provincial party branches and trade unions.
Other than the leader, the only key party official elected
at a national convention is the party president, a largely
ceremonial role. The national party's finances come almost
exclusively from provincial party coffers and the largesse
of national unions, leaving it curiously without a grassroots
funding base. Senior party strategists, are, likewise, largely
drawn from provincial centres and union HQ's.
While hobbled by its structure, the federal NDP's real
Achilles heel is a strange unwillingness to adopt a modern
policy discourse. Faced with growing evidence that private
sector led economic growth is the most efficient tool for
increasing living standards, social democratic parties around
the world have turned their attention to more fairly distributing
economic proceeds. The NDP's instinctive resistance to tax
cuts leaves the impression that it believes that taxes are
inherently good rather than a means to create more opportunity
and equality.
Here are four ideas that could allow the party to become
a challenger for national power and once again an influential
political force:
1) Dump the unions before they dump the NDP.
This idea is not as sacrilegious or suicidal as it sounds.
Union financial contributions to the NDP are a relatively
small percentage of the party budget and the votes of many
unionized workers have long since migrated to the Liberals
and the Alliance; a reflection of the fact that union workers'
wages often place them in a socioeconomic strata where they
don't share the same values and priorities that the NDP
trumpets. Union and NDP leaders, freed to pursue their respective
political interests separately, may well choose pragmatic
partnerships and coalitions that are not simply an expectation
but rather a strategic choice. In any case, as the AFL/CIO's
exuberant support for the U.S. Democratic Party shows, formal
affiliation is not a precondition for robust political and
financial support.
2) Tame the provincial lions.
It is unacceptable that provincial party insiders exert
so much control over the federal party. Jealous of their
own turf and infatuated with their own importance, operatives
from the more powerful provincial sections often conspire
to hobble their federal cousin. The national NDP must develop
an independent source of financial support and leadership,
even, if in the short run, times are worse. If the Canadian
federal government has a reason for existence independent
of that of the provinces, that is, to speak for Canada's
values, then surely Canada's national political parties
should resist the provincialization of their agendas.
3) Put a new premium on ideas.
As much as NDP partisans like to blame big media for the
party's lack of national visibility, the federal NDP has
actually run out of interesting things to say. Rather than
attacking the global forces that are inexorably changing
our destiny, the NDP would be more relevant talking about
how to shape those forces for the good of the country.
Less heralded in the accounts of the rise of the "New
Democrats" in the U.S. and "New Labour" in
the U.K., was the role of political think tanks. Bill Clinton
and Tony Blair borrowed heavily from new left ideas generated
by the Progressive Policy Institute in the U.S. and Demos
in the U.K..
4) Learn from failure.
Margaret McDonagh, Secretary General of Tony Blair's New
Labour Party, recently enumerated the impetus behind the
internal reforms that Labour undertook in the early 1990's.
The first lesson according to McDonagh, "if it goes
wrong, don't keep doing it". The second, "be prepared
to change because if a party can't change itself it can't
change the country".
A federal NDP, embracing the realities of global change
but still a proud carrier of the social democratic tradition
in Canada, freed of servitude to provincial
scions and national unions, could become the national voice
of the left that so many Canadians crave. NDP supporters
everywhere hope that the results of this election will be
the catalyst for the necessary changes.
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